MB Civic

-ICT
May 1st, 2007

The House Foreign Affairs Committee held
a hearing today on “The Future of Political,
Economic and Security Relations with
China.” This was the Committee’s second
China hearing, following a hearing on Tibet
in March.

Chairman Tom Lantos and Ranking
Republican Member Ileana Ros-Lehtinen
made several strong statements regarding
Tibet and the dialogue between envoys of
His Holiness and Chinese officials, including
in the opening remarks of the hearing
(Lantos statement below). Lantos
specifically mentioned the SFT action on
Everest and cautioned China to use the
Olympics “to get its house in order.” The
Bush Administration witness, John
Negroponte, Deputy Secretary of State,
indicated that the President, Secretary and
he have urged a continuation of the
dialogue.

Remarks of Chairman Lantos at
Hearing, “The Future of Political, Economic
and Security Relations with China”

China is palpably one of the greatest
civilizations on the planet. We stand in awe
of its long history, its abundant traditions,
and its distinguished culture. For centuries,
its massive economic potential was not
fully realized. But thanks in no small part to
the Open Door policy of the United States
that allowed China access to our markets
and our investment, the “sleeping giant”
arose and came into its own.

Now the fruits of the Chinese people’s
intense labor are coming back to them
manifold. China’s GDP has tripled – that’s
right, tripled – in the past ten years. It is
again expected to grow by double-digits
this year and China will soon overtake
Germany as the world’s third-largest
economy.

We support China’s emergence as a world
power and look forward to partnering with
China to strengthen the international
system. But as we work together on areas
of common interest, we cannot sweep vital
issues under the rug. As our eminent
former Secretary of State Dean Acheson
said over a half a century ago in 1949: “We
will not help the Chinese or ourselves by
basing our policy on wishful thinking.”

The Chinese government and I part ways in
two substantial areas that speak to the
very nature of the civilization China wants
to project to the world. The first is related
to its foreign and military policy and the
second to its internal actions.

Beijing’s foreign policy has come a long
way. Border disputes with India and with
Russia are now relatively quiescent. China
is crucial in the Six Party Talks working to
de-nuclearize North Korea. This process
serves as a model: it is possible for the
United States and China to cooperate
effectively as partners to promote stability.

But I was deeply concerned by the
unannounced and alarming anti-satellite
test China launched in January and
Beijing’s initial refusal to acknowledge
their de-stabilizing action. Responsible
governments do not send missiles to
destroy space satellites, littering the
atmosphere with dangerous debris. If
China wishes to be a partner with the
United States, it must be more judicious
and transparent as it builds its military
capabilities.

With regard to Taiwan, there are
inexorable ties that make the situation
more complicated than simplistic
independence versus One China paradigm.
Taiwan has invested more than $100 billion
on the mainland, where nearly a million
Taiwanese actually live. Every time I go to
Beijing or Taipei, I carry the message that
the impasse must be resolved
diplomatically and peacefully over the long
term. The alternative is potentially
catastrophic. China must not rattle its
saber, but Taiwan must not invite China’s
ire through provocation.

I am unnerved by China’s overtures to
regimes that the United States views as
repressive, globally dangerous, or sponsors
of terror. Why is China furthering its ties
with Iran, a country with nuclear ambitions
and an unstable president who denies the
Holocaust? Why does China continue to
support the brutal military rulers of Burma,
which prove daily they have no interest in
the welfare of their people? And why has
China become the largest weapons
supplier to the government of Sudan, the
perpetrator of an unspeakable genocide in
Darfur? The answer, of course, is economic
growth, or more precisely, China’s need for
oil to feed its ravenous energy appetite.
This pursuit cannot be blind to all other
factors.

China must act ethically – in international
relations and on the environment. China
and the United States, the two largest
polluters, should work together on a
binding agreement for carbon emission
limits. It is the only real way to fight climate
change.

Within China, too, troubling issues remain.
We acknowledge that as a developing
nation, the reckoning of winners and losers
is uneven. By the government’s own
admission, there were some 87,000
protests in China last year, sparked by
disparities along the rocky road to
development. We commend the emphasis
Beijing is placing on ensuring everyone
gains from the unprecedented growth. This
means establishing and adhering to real
property rights, improving health care,
bolstering working conditions, setting
migrant-worker practices, and raising
standards of living.

It also means, however, respecting basic
human rights and permitting freedom of
expression.

Last week, the Chinese detained four
Americans protesting for freedom for the
Tibetan people – a salient issue as next
year’s Beijing Olympics approach. China
has charted a route for the Olympic torch
that brings it to the top of Mount Everest,
on Tibet’s horizon, as well as to Taipei. It is
outrageous that China is using the very
symbol of international unity and
brotherhood to further grind down the
Tibetans and the Taiwanese, who simply
want to live their lives without interference
from Beijing.

I hope China also uses the games as a
chance to look inward. Beyond the waving
flags and the parading athletes at the
opening ceremony, journalists and
protestors will be looking to see if China is
on the right track with the treatment of its
own people. Initial signs are discouraging.
A report released by Amnesty International
this week says that Beijing is using the
upcoming games to expand the repressive
practice of detaining people without a trial,
to place activists on house arrest and to
limit severely the topics domestic media
are permitted to address.

Before such pre-Olympic crackdowns
become truly widespread, let me assert: If
ever there was a time for China to get its
own house in order, this is it. The Olympics
are a golden opportunity for China to take
a new turn, a turn to true leadership that
entails responsible behavior at home and
abroad.

And we must craft a strong approach to
China – beyond wishful thinking, to a
substantive strategy, a defined dialogue,
and – most importantly – a mature
relationship.