[Mb-civic] Bush's Indian Ally - Jim Hoagland - Washington Post Op-Ed

[William Swiggard]

Bush's Indian Ally<>

By Jim Hoagland
The Washington Post
Thursday, April 20, 2006; A25

NEW DELHI -- At a time when even friendly governments are quick to 
distance themselves from the United States and its pugnacious, embattled 
president, India is a strategic maverick. The former firebrand of the 
Non-Aligned Movement has chosen this moment to forge a close partnership 
with Washington and to speak up positively about American power in world 
affairs.

"This lack of nuclear cooperation is the last remaining cobweb from our 
old relationship, and we can now sweep it aside," Prime Minister 
Manmohan Singh said with an expressive wave of his hand. "There are no 
other barriers to a more productive, more durable relationship with the 
United States. The potential is enormous for our two nations."

India is the new China in the eyes of the Bush administration, which has 
promised to help this once-slumbering Asian giant develop into one of 
the world's five or six major economic and political powers. That 
undertaking has instilled a new sense of security in the Indian capital 
and erased long-standing tensions.

Singh praised "the new thinking" in Washington during our conversation 
and easily skipped over renewed U.S. arms sales to Pakistan, American 
pressure for action on Iran and other topics that would have sunk most 
of his predecessors into bitter grumbling about neo-imperialism.

The Indian leader's impressively modest and precise manner sets a 
moderate tone for his remarks. A visitor quickly understands why he is 
trusted and respected by his peers in the rough-and-tumble world of 
Indian politics. That does not prevent him from being candid in his 
assessments:

"We recognize that the United States is the preeminent superpower in the 
world and that it is in India's interest to have good relations with the 
United States . . . as a very important partner in realizing our 
development ambitions," he acknowledged.

One way of helping with development and environmental protection, Singh 
quickly suggested, was for the U.S. Congress to approve legislative 
changes that clear the way for the United States to provide civilian 
nuclear technology and supplies to India after a 32-year ban triggered 
by India's development and testing of nuclear weapons.

Bush and Singh reached agreement last July on reciprocal steps for the 
resumption of nuclear energy cooperation outside the international 
Non-Proliferation Treaty. Singh has persuaded his left-wing allies in 
the coalition government he heads not "to wreck the boat" by opposing 
"an agreement that is in India's interest" because of their suspicion of 
Washington.

The administration hopes to move the legislative changes through 
Congress in May, giving Bush a badly needed foreign policy success as 
well as the first direct American influence over India's nuclear weapons 
program, which would be partially covered by new safeguards and inspections.

Singh would not speculate on the consequences of a refusal by Congress 
to accept the agreement. But in response to questions, he did identify 
two things that he does not expect to happen.

Asked if India would ever put all of its reactors under full-scope 
safeguards -- as some U.S. critics say Bush should have demanded -- he 
replied: "No. We would like the world to move toward universal nuclear 
disarmament. But given the circumstances, we need a strategic nuclear 
weapons program. In our neighborhood, China is a nuclear power and on 
our western frontier there is Pakistan, which developed its weapons 
through clandestine proliferation."

And he said he could not imagine circumstances that would require India 
to resume nuclear testing, an option that his Indian critics assert is a 
sovereign right. "Our scientists tell me they need no further tests. As 
for the distant future, I cannot predict forever, but our commitment is 
to continue our unilateral moratorium."

The conversation underscored for me that flaws in the nuclear draft 
agreement are heavily outweighed by the advantages it brings in cutting 
global pollution, easing pressure on oil markets and bringing a 
substantial part of India's nuclear program under international supervision.

Noting that Chinese President Hu Jintao was visiting the United States 
this week, Singh insisted that "we are not developing our relationship 
with the U.S. at the cost of our relationship with China, which is our 
neighbor and with which our trade is growing at a handsome rate. . . . 
President Bush told me this is a sensible way to proceed, and that 
America will remain engaged with China, too."

On Iran, he urged Washington to allow "the maximum scope for dialogue 
and discussions. The Iranian regime may need some time to settle down." 
But, he added, "we are very clear that we do not want another nuclear 
weapons power in the region."

India is moving from a past of shaking an angry finger in the American 
face to providing a helping hand for U.S. power in the future. The 
Senate and House should move expeditiously to set this transformation in 
motion.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/04/19/AR2006041902480.html
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